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Russ Hoyle states his case clearly: "President Bush and the White House knew they were lying to the American people about weapons of mass destruction to further their war aims ... On the road to war, the White House knowingly distorted intelligence, seduced a compliant media, and deceived Congress to steamroll the nation."

Mr. Hoyle, a former senior editor at Time and The New Republic, backs up his claims with detailed evidence that will be useful to journalists, scholars and others who for years to come will try to determine how the United States slid so smoothly into war. Much of the information Mr. Hoyle has assembled can be found elsewhere, but only in bits and pieces. Going to War pulls it together.

Mr. Hoyle's approach does, however, have its flaws. He sometimes relies on loaded language; phrases such as "the aura of omertà around the vice president's office" detract from the credibility of his reporting.

But for the most part, Going to War presents straightforward chronologies, such as a thorough history of investigations into Saddam Hussein's weapons programs and details of the deteriorating relationship between the White House and the Central Intelligence Agency.

Strikingly absent from substantial parts of the narrative is George W. Bush. The president apparently made up his mind to remove Saddam and then removed himself from many of the discussions making specific plans for the war, Mr. Hoyle suggests.

Mr. Hoyle's account underscores the severity of damage done to the U.S. intelligence community during this time. CIA director George Tenet is portrayed as being too political and not particularly competent, while intelligence professionals trying to do their jobs feared that policymakers, particularly in Vice President Dick Cheney's office, "were directing analysts to preordained conclusions to bolster the president's war policy."

As preparations for war were under way, Mr. Hoyle writes, opposition within government circles was rare. Most journalists failed to ask common-sense questions about the purported proof that Saddam was truly a threat worthy of war. Congressional Democrats were similarly tongue-tied.

When critics found their voice in 2005, President Bush questioned their patriotism, saying that opponents of his policy were sending "the wrong signal to our troops and to an enemy that is questioning America's will."

All this makes for depressing, although important, reading. Despite the massive amount of information Mr. Hoyle provides, a fundamental question remains: What set of political values will allow – and even encourage – the nation's leaders to believe they can go to war without evidence or conscience?

The families of thousands of dead Americans and Iraqis might like an answer.

Philip Seib is professor of journalism and public diplomacy at the University of Southern California.

Russ Hoyle

(St. Martin's, $27.95)

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